“Democracy is the worst form of government, except for all those other forms that have been tried from time to time.”
Winston Churchill
The word democracy is derived from the Greek ‘democratia’. It translates “popular government”. It’s good to know the fact but it doesn’t help much as political and social circumstances have changed a lot since Antiquity. What was once understood as ‘people’ is today only a fraction of the whole population. And the territories which need to be governed are multi-fold as large as they were during the days of Antiquity. Hence, today the word is used as a more general term for all forms of government in which the authority emanates from the people and is executed directly or indirectly by it.
On the one hand democracy is therefore concerned with government of a people. On the other hand it is concerned with the freedom of every single citizen belonging to the people governed. The freedom is limited by the commitment to the collectivity (state or society) and its laws and orders. Yet, only the system of laws and orders enables every single citizen’s freedoms to evolve. Democracy requires therefore constantly to reach consensus on the degree of freedoms of the single possible and limits to freedoms necessary.
“A democrat doesn’t need to believe that the majority will always reach a wise decision. What he should believe in is in the necessity that a majority decision – if wise or not – needs to be respected until the majority reaches another decision.”
Bertrand Russell
In a democracy consensus is reached according to the principle of majority, while the rights of the minority needs to be protected. However, modern day territorial states are simply too large and too populated for direct participation of all citizens in all decisions. Furthermore, many decisions if not all today need specific knowledge of the topics at hand which not all people have time to gather in time for a decision. Just like in economy a specialization takes place.
Modern democracy is therefore not self-government of the people. It can be realized only as a government of representatives of the people which emerged victorious from general, free, equal and secret elections and which run the affairs of state according to the wish of the respective majority of all citizens. The citizens hold them to account for their work in recurrent elections which can lead to a peaceful change of government if the former minority became the majority meanwhile.
“Elections are the concern of the people. The decision is in their hands. If they turn their back to the fire und hence burn their butt, they need to sit on their blisters.”
Abraham Lincoln
Hence, a free formation of opinions on political and social questions and on the work of the representatives and elections are fundamental elements of every democracy – yes, democracy, even in its indirect form, is laborious for citizens. Every citizen who does not vote renounces his right to decide on the own future. He must accept the decisions of whose citizens who voted. Thereby he declares himself immature.
So, the least thing every citizen should do is to make up his mind and vote. The more fundamental the decisions are, which the future government is expected to decide on in the next legislative period, the more important it becomes to make use of the right to vote. Thus one should think that the constituency of a country like Israel where the government will need to decide on questions of peace and war, on questions of enhancements of electoral law, on questions of involvement or reduction of the influence of religious law (to name just a few) would flock to the ballot boxes at the election day.
How is it then that the turn out of the 2009 parliamentary election in Israel was only 65.2%? Even in Germany where life is compared to Israel rather easy, where the political and democratic situation is rather settled and stable and where citizens are called disenchanted with politics the lowest ever turn out was registered in 2005 with 77.7%.
There isn’t just one simple answer to this question. I think a couple of reasons accrue which allow Israel’s democracy to become/ stay vulnerable (the list is not meant to be exclusive):
Let’s begin by mentioning the endurance test for any democracy where the diversification of the society is far advanced. That’s the case in any immigration nation as well as in many modern societies in general. Integration mustn’t mean that the immigrants/ sub-group forget their linguistic, cultural, religious, regional, social or ethnic origin. Their otherness will at the best enrich the nation and promote it. However, wherever a sub-group sets itself apart from the majority and thumps the acknowledgement of its dissimilarity in political institutions, democracy comes heavily under pressure. A politics directed at the protection of particulate, individual identities collides with the necessity of negotiation and compromise in a democratic decision making process and the principle of the rule of the majority over the minority.
Israel is home of the few Arab Israelis who chose to stay and give the new Jewish nation a try. One third of the Jewish population is member of the first generation of Israel. The majority of citizens are immigrants or children of immigrants. Israel has absorbed over the 60+ years of existence hundreds of thousands of people who came from all corners of the world. After the breakup of the Soviet Union alone 1 million immigrants entered the country what means that they make up one sixth of the whole population.
It is true that the conflict between Ashkenazim and Sephardim, religious and secular was always smoldering. Yet, the work of developing a new nation, the awareness of a common threat, similar menaces in the countries of origin and a brace in a common language everyone had to learn were helpful in creating a sense of connection and solidarity. One shouldn’t underestimate the importance especially of a common language for the creation of a feeling of affiliation to a nation as a language transports much more than just information. And while I have to confess that my Hebrew is rather rudimentary developed (because I lack the opportunities to use it really) what is really a shame for a citizen of Israel, I think it dangerous that a mainly Russian speaking sub-culture develops which almost appears like an own parallel nation in the nation.
The partly missing integration of immigrants becomes even more precarious as many of the immigrants concerned did not come from countries with a lived democratic tradition. Democracy is something what needs to be learnt. If no moves are taken to educate the population in these matters they might either not participate in the political, democratic processes or they might misunderstand them and try to exploit them for their ends. One of the perils of democracy is that it can be overcome by evitable democratic means.
Further on I want to address the issue of acceptance of democratic institutions. The shipwreck of the Weimar Republic made clear how important it is that the citizens acknowledge democracy, trust its institutions, accept its methods of peaceful conflict resolution and of political negotiations for compromises and respect the decisions. The more the citizens are ready to give, the more stable a democracy becomes, the easier it can overcome crises of its institutions or economic problems without permanent damage.
The article I read in Haaretz about the acceptance of the Knesset and the government was unfortunately taken down before I could save the numbers on my computer. But it stated that the trust in these institutions was as low as it can get. Israelis rather trust in the IDF and the media than in their own parliament and government. It is sad as the citizens have no influence on the military or the press. And it is a bit schizophrenic as the parliament and the government represents the people. Low trust in the parliament means either I don’t trust myself or I haven’t understood democracy.
I think the missing trust is partly a reflection of the lack of any (written or unwritten) constitution ensuring the rights and duties of citizens, the system of checks and balances of all political institutions and the principle of a well-fortified democracy.
The missing trust finds its reasons in the fragmented multi-party parliaments which give rise to instable multi-party coalitions. The coalitions become depended on the junior partners as small as they might be. Thereby the minority rules over the majority through the backdoor.
Furthermore and this is closely connected to the point I made just before, the programmatic profile of the parties becomes ever paler. Election campaigns lack real information. Topics are reduced to catch words. In many ways parties differ from each other only in accents so that voters distinguish them through highlighted personalities. If parties then conduct office patronage and aim only at assurance or gaining of power they become volatile and insubstantial for the voter. Disenchantment of parties and politics is the result which will be boosted through bribe scandals and office haggling.
This leads me directly to my last point I planned to mention. I can only expect people to rush to the ballot boxes if I offer them real, distinguishable alternatives to vote from which will stick to their principles and main programmatic points even after the election. This can mean that even larger parties end up in the opposition.
In this light a call for a “unity government” or a “national responsibility government” that puts pressure especially on Kadima and its leader Tzipi Livni is questionable. Even though compromise is one of the keywords of democracy I used quite often in this article, a “unity government” of the kind which includes Kedima, Likud and perhaps even Labor is a rotten compromise. It dilutes the differences between the party lines even more and leads in the best case to another period of stagnation until the parties involved fall out again and call for new elections.
“Democracy lives on argument, on discussions about the right path to chose. Therefore, the respect of the opinion of the other belongs to it.”
Richard von Weizaecker
The existence of an opposition forestalls that the governing coalition identifies itself with the state and declares its interpretation of the public good absolute and solitary valid. Only in permanent struggle of opinions and interests the abundance of arguments will come up which will help to tackle upcoming problems. Hence, a strong opposition only as a counterpart to the governing coalition is able to exercise control, to keep the lust for power of the government at bay and to offer a real alternative to the government program in place. It acts in the hope the constituency will like the alternative better and rewards the stability to the own principles so that the opposition prevails in the next election.
Therefore it is to conclude that a decision of Kedima to go into the opposition does not only help the party to find and establish its place in the political system of Israel, to shape its face so to say. It teaches the country a lot about lived democracy and strengthens the political system. It perhaps even helps to improve the level of trust in the political institutions so that the turn out of the next elections will be significantly higher.
“Democracy never runs, but it will reach its goals reliable and for sure.”
Johann Wolfgang von Goethe
Personally, I rather want a strong, democratically chosen leader Tzipi Livni in the long run who knows herself backed by strong support in the public for her two-state-peace policy than to live now with a government incapable of action, in its lead unwilling to compromise for peace and bound to its natural allies on the far right wing not just in any religious question.