It’s almost September. This is not just of interest to me since it means my much longed for vacation is just around the corner. But it also means we are about to read the Goldstone Commissions report on their findings about the Gaza War, eagerly expected by many though not less eagerly criticized since the establishment of the commission.
As the discussion of the commission, its fact finding mission and its report passes through yet another warming up phase (as if the subject wouldn’t be heated up enough already) I want to take a look at where the criticism mainly voiced by Israel derives from.
Relevant articles like Irwin Cotler’s Op-Ed contribution to the Jerusalem Post “The Goldstone Mission – Tainted to the Core” here and here mainly name three problems which they unfortunately deal with promiscuously: the organization that runs the investigation, (the composition of the Commission) and the task issued to the Commission in context of the resolution it is based on. I don’t like mulligan as I prefer an organized arrangement on my plate. The same goes for my thoughts. Therefore, I will discuss the two of the problems one by one starting with the last, but in my opinion most important problem.
Resolution S-9/1 by the United Nations Human Rights Council, adopted on January 12, 2009 and the thereupon based mandate of the international independent Fact Finding Mission established on April 3, 2009-08-23
On 3 April 2009, the President of the Human Rights Council established an international independent Fact Finding Mission with the mandate
“to investigate all violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law that might have been committed at any time in the context of the military operations that were conducted in Gaza during the period from 27 December 2008 and 18 January 2009, whether before, during or after.”
This is already a revised version of the mandate. The original version called on the Commission to focus only on Israeli actions. Yet, though the wording of the mandate has been changed on demand of commission head Richard Goldstone so that he may be able to look into Hamas actions as well the appointment of the mission followed the adoption of resolution S-9/1 by the United Nations Human Rights Council at the end of its 9th Special Session on 12 January 2009 and is based on it.
Resolution S-9/1 is headlined: The grave violations of human rights in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, particularly due to the recent Israeli military attacks against the occupied Gaza Strip. Concerning the Fact Finding Mission it states:
14. Decides to dispatch an urgent, independent international fact-finding mission, to be appointed by the President of the Council, to investigate all violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law by the occupying Power, Israel, against the Palestinian people throughout the Occupied Palestinian Territory, particularly in the occupied Gaza Strip, due to the current aggression, and calls upon Israel not to obstruct the process of investigation and to fully cooperate with the mission;
While the headline of the resolution concludes already what the commission is suppose to investigate, the wording of the paragraph, defaming Israel as an occupying power, is at least biased. However, most important phrase of the paragraph in my opinion is “current aggression”, especially in the light of the general renunciation of force laid down in the UN Charter and specified in the GA resolutions 2625 and 3314.
Aggression, as a standing term in international law implies that Israel was wrong to use any force in Gaza during its operation, whether or not the actions taken were in accordance with all rules of ius in bello and irrespective of any findings of the Fact Finding Commission. If taken as a fact Israel deemed an aggressor would be deemed culpable of an offense under international law and would be liable for all damages, even for damages originated by actions lawful according to the standards of ius in bello.
A violation of the renunciation of force under international law implies an international element and the use of military force. The international element is problematic when we deal with the Palestinian Territories. Even though Israel withdrew from the Gaza Strip in 2005, Palestine is still a state created by invitro-fertilization and stuck in retort. But I focused on that question in an earlier article on the Goldstone Commission . The use of force by Israel can’t be argued.
On the other hand, even the use of military force can be justified under Art. 51 UN Charter that explicitly acknowledges a nature-given right to self-defense. Allowed is the force necessary to ward off an attack. The attack in question has to be immanent, armed, attributable to the other state and has to excess a certain threshold of intensity. As much as one wants to allow the IDF to go into Gaza anytime just so to free captured and kidnapped soldier Gilad Shalit his ongoing captivity can’t be subsumed to be an immanent, armed attack.
But how about the decade worth of rocket-fire from Gaza targeting Israeli civilians, escalating in the three years after Israel’s complete withdrawal from the Strip? How many rockets are enough per month, per week, per day to speak of an immanent, armed attack that exceeds the threshold of intensity? Are 13 residents dead, hundredth wounded, damage worth in the millions and the traumatisation of nearly every inhabitant of Sderot e.g. enough? How about the non-extension of the truce with Israel announced by Hamas in December 2008?
I would definitely say so. And if we come to the conclusion that Israel responded to an armed attack by Hamas from the Gaza Strip Israel’s military response could have been justified under Art. 51 UN Charter and therefore not nameable an aggression as she had a right to self defense – if the force used did not exceed the level necessary to ward off the attack. At this point I will need to owe you an answer as I lack the military expertise.
However, this won’t affect the result of my reflection as we still need to look at the general framework in that a renunciation of force works only. The negative assessment of the phenomenon of military force that had led to the development of a clause calling for the total renunciation of force in the UN Charter bases on the experience of the insufferable horror caused by the wars of the last century. This human rights based reasoning has not lost any of its validation.
Yet, a measure taken because of humanitarian reasons mustn’t lead itself to the violation of human rights through the backdoor. Meaning: The renunciation of force is ultimately only acceptable if the enforcement of rights and interests is possible in another way. It requires that in a framework of collective security the community of states takes effective actions against any and all law-breakers and comes to the defense of the victims.
The UN should be the one to provide the framework. But put into work in praxis it proves to work unfortunately only imperfectly to say the least. The Security Council knocks itself off on a regular base due to the veto power of its permanent members. And the UN Human Rights Council is too busy condemning Israel it hasn’t even once addressed the question of rockets fired by Hamas in a decade or the problem of a kidnapped soldier in more than three years of captivity. But the UN Human Rights Council’s story is sad enough to get a chapter of its own.
The Organization that runs the investigation: the UN Human Rights Council
“I believe in the indefeasibility and the dignity of every human being. I believe that God gave all people the same right to freedom. I pledge to offer resistance to any offense against freedom and to resist tyranny wherever it may occur.”
I am a front-line city girl. Grown up in the daily antagonism of the East-German education system vs. West-German media, permanently exposed to propaganda of both sides until my 14th birthday, my parents took care I wouldn’t grow any walls in my head or in my heart though I experienced a real one on a daily base. What was planted in my head instead was the belief in the opening statement that echoed every Sunday at noon over the air via RIAS Berlin, Radio in the American Sector.
This statement represents my first approach to Human Rights. Back when I first heard it nobody would have believed that one day I would argue with my International Law professor in the oral part of my final law exam about the binding character of the UN UDHR. Not with the same consequences (I passed the exam in spit of the debate) but nevertheless never less passionate Human Rights are discussed at many stages. They are one of the few things even the Generation Crisis, otherwise completely self-centered and opinion-less, would join a Facebook group to take a stance against their violation.
Yet though the phrase ‘human rights’ is used easily, do we all really speak about the same thing? I don’t want to start the same debate about the question of penetration of the Human Rights Declaration into binding international law that I had with the professor some years ago (btw: the leading opinion still is that the Universal Declaration on Human Rights had been a resolution of the UN General Assembly without any binding power and it has still not become part of international customary law as the understanding of human rights is too diverse in different legal systems).
I just mean with Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and all the other more or less highly funded NGOs working for the universal observation of Human Rights around, with the principle of universal jurisdiction anchored in many criminal law codes around the world to some degree, with the Human Rights Council installing inquiry teams and investigating violations what are the basic principles of human rights we all agree? Aren’t these the norms a rational human being, seeking to survive and prosper, would act upon and expect others to act according to because what s/he fears most is violent death by the hand of others? Isn’t it what is expressed in the opening statement of this chapter? Aren’t these the norms you would expect the UN Human Rights Council to safeguard for all nations?
The UN Human Rights Council was established by the UN General Assembly in 2006 as a subsidiary body. It is the successor to the UN Commission on Human Rights that had to be replaced because of the Commissions inefficiency due to the presence of human rights violators and the politicization of the body. But just as the US had already stated when voting against the resolution establishing the UN Human Rights Council, it has no adequate provisions to keep states which abused human rights from Council membership. And it also lacks the precautions to avoid falling victim to the whims of political interests.
With Darfur, China, North Korea, Afghanistan, Iran, even the US’ CIA excesses at Guantanamo around and happening, 80% of the UN HRC’s resolutions target just one state, Israel. And as the language of the one resolution (S-9/1) mentioned exemplifies, the dealing with Israel is highly biased. Israel, just as any other nation, is far from perfect. But in the UN HRC she falls victim to prejudgment and can’t expect any help from this side. I dare to predict that even in case the Goldstone report of the Fact Finding Mission will stress violations from Hamas as well as from Israel, Israel will be condemned in the following resolution with the Palestinians not even mentioned in a footnote.
The UN Human Rights Commission at least isn’t part of a framework of collective security Israel can trust in.
Final Remarks
Still, though the Goldstone Commission’s mandate and the organization behind can be criticized and the final report and any follow up resolutions have to be eyed carefully and in the context of the information given above, the deduction cannot be – Israel or any other nation is forth on allowed to use any military force it thinks suitable for her cause. From a moral and a humanitarian point of view any war or military action is hard to justify. From a political point of view it can be deadly and isolating. And so it should always stay the last, the ultimate choice after all other options have been explored unsuccessfully because the enemy thinks human rights, the right to live in peace and freedom, are meant for everyone else but not for Israelis.